President Obama succumbed late Monday to the dark logic of the  Super PACs, instructing top West Wing staffers to help raise money for  the so-called "independent" groups that have been successful in picking  winners and losers thus far in 2012.

 "We decided to do this because we can't afford for the work you're  doing in your communities, and the grassroots donations you give to  support it, to be destroyed by hundreds of millions of dollars in  negative ads," Obama's campaign manager Jim Messina wrote supporters in an email Monday night.
This is no small news -- which explains why the New York Times placed  this story on page one today -- as it signals that the president has  reversed his earlier stance against working with Super PACs and joined  others on the low road to political influence.
It also sounds the starting gun for the real race to win the White House  in 2012 -- one that will very likely award the candidate who raises the  most cash with victory in November. In this case, though, it won't be  the victor who gets the spoils, but the wealthy corporations and  individuals that funded him.
What's really happening in 2012 is a transfer of money and power unlike  any other in the history of U.S. politics. It's a process that's  unfolding in corporate boardrooms and corridors of political power, far  from public view or scrutiny.
Here's what we've found:
1. Money Wins Elections: According to the Center for Responsive Politics,  the federal candidate who raised more money in 2008 won his or her race  nine out of 10 times. Former White House political czar Karl Rove knows  this well. His Super PAC American Crossroads and 501(c)(4) group  Crossroads GPS recorded an unbroken string of victories in 2010 after  spending an estimated $40 million. This year he's aiming to raise more  than five times that.
2. The Wealthiest Give the Most: Thanks to the 2010 Citizens United  decision, the overwhelming majority of political contributions (in  terms of dollars) now come from the wealthiest corporations and  individuals.  According to the Sunlight Foundation,  almost half of the contributions to the nine largest super PAC spenders  thus far came from just 22 donors, who each gave more than $500,000.  Nearly 80 percent of their donors were those who gave more than  $100,000. It's a list that includes some of the wealthiest  hedge fund managers (Julian Robertson: $1 million for pro-Mitt Romney  Super PAC), Hollywood execs (Jeffrey Katzenberg: $2 million for  pro-Obama Super PAC) and property developers (Bob Perry: $2.5 million  for Karl Rove's Super PAC).
3. There's More Being Spent Now than Ever Before: 2012  will break all previous records for contributions to campaigns, Super  PACs and even less accountable 501(c)(4)s, all of which are  concentrating their spending on media buys in local television markets. Kantar Media's Campaign Media Analysis Group  estimates that candidates, political parties and independent groups  will spend up to $3.3 billion to buy TV ads during the 2012 election  season. That's a 57 percent increase over the estimated $2.1 billion  that was spent on local ads during the 2008 election cycle.
4.Political Ads Work: The reason so much money is being  spent on so many ads is that it's a proven formula for success. Newt  Gingrich saw a near-complete reversal of his political fortunes in both  Iowa and Florida after "Restore Our Future," a pro-Romney Super PAC,  plowed many times more money into ads in those states than Gingrich's  counterpart. Romney's camp and his allies aired nearly 13,000 television  commercials in Florida, compared with fewer than 300 by Gingrich and  his supporters, according to a study by the Wesleyan Media Project.  As in Iowa, this on-air onslaught coincided with the decline of  Gingrich support in the polls, and, ultimately, at the ballot box.
5. Broadcasters Are a Part of the Problem: The  broadcasters benefiting most from this massive transfer of money oppose  any effort that would require them to better disclose who's buying  political influence. Broadcasters balked at the Federal Communications  Commission proposal to put online the political advertising information  in their "public files," preferring to keep this information hidden  away. But it gets worse. According to Free Press' recent report Citizens Inundated,  stations are also providing less of the sort of local political  coverage that would help viewers separate political fact from fiction in  an election year.
6. Transparency Can't Take a Back Seat to Business as Usual:  The FCC chair who is supposed to hold stations accountable just got a  signal from his boss in the White House that this backdoor  money-and-media game is now business as usual in Washington. The FCC  would do well to ignore that message and push broadcasters to embrace  the sort of transparency and accountability  that would shed light on the money that makes these Super PACs tick.  This action becomes even more important now that the president has  decided to cast his lot with these shadowy outside groups.
                   © 2012 MediaCitizen
                                                     As the Campaign Director for Free Press and SavetheInternet.com,  Karr oversees campaigns on public broadcasting and noncommercial media,  fake news and propaganda, journalism in crisis, and the future of the  Internet. Before joining Free Press, Tim served as executive director of  MediaChannel.org and vice president of Globalvision New Media and the  Globalvision News Network.
 
 
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